Thursday, February 25, 2010

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow: Bard of American Liberty

Per Scriptum E. Wesley - Mackinac Center Intern

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow was born on February 27, 1807, in Portland, Maine (then still part of Massachusetts) where the woodlands and ships fed his ever longing imagination. Known for such immortal Romantic poems as The Song of Hiawatha, The Village Blacksmith, and My Lost Youth, the crescendo of his lyrical abilities was Paul Revere's Ride. This work created a new sense of American mythology that emphasized the mystery of American patriotism in a dark world. It was written in 1860 on the eve of the Civil War, and gave New Englanders a sense of commonality unique to American identity so needed for the conflict. Longfellow hints at the impending breakup of the Union with the words "In the hour of darkness and peril and need..." Below is the poem in full.

LISTEN, my children, and you shall hear
Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere,
On the eighteenth of April, in Seventy-Five;
Hardly a man is now alive
Who remembers that famous day and year.

He said to his friend, "If the British march
By land or sea from the town to-night,
Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch
Of the North Church tower, as a signal light, --
One, if by land, and two, if by sea;
And I on the opposite shore will be,
Ready to ride and spread the alarm
Through every Middlesex village and farm,
For the country-folk to be up and to arm."

Then he said "Good-night!" and with muffled oar
Silently rowed to the Charlestown shore,
Just as the moon rose over the bay,
Where swinging wide at her moorings lay
The Somerset, British man-of-war;
A phantom ship, with each mast and spar
Across the moon like a prison-bar,
And a huge black hulk, that was magnified
By its own reflection in the tide.

Meanwhile, his friend, through alley and street
Wanders and watches with eager ears,
Till in the silence around him he hears
The muster of men at the barrack door,
The sound of arms, and the tramp of feet,
And the measured tread of the grenadiers,
Marching down to their boats on the shore.

Then he climbed the tower of the Old North Church,
By the wooden stairs, with stealthy tread,
To the belfry-chamber overhead,
And startled the pigeons from their perch
On the somber rafters, that round him made
Masses and moving shapes of shade, --
By the trembling ladder, steep and tall,
To the highest window in the wall,
Where he paused to listen and look down
A moment on the roofs of the town,
And the moonlight flowing over all.

Beneath, in the churchyard, lay the dead,
In their night-encampment on the hill,
Wrapped in silence so deep and still
That he could hear, like a sentinel's tread,
The watchful night-wind, as it went
Creeping along from tent to tent,
And seeming to whisper, "All is well!"
A moment only he feels the spell
Of the place and the hour, the secret dread
Of the lonely belfry and the dead;
For suddenly all his thoughts are bent
On a shadowy something far away,
Where the river widens to meet the bay, --
A line of black, that bends and floats
On the rising tide, like a bridge of boats.

Meanwhile, impatient to mount and ride,
Booted and spurred, with a heavy stride
On the opposite shore walked Paul Revere.
Now he patted his horse's side,
Now gazed on the landscape far and near,
Then, impetuous, stamped the earth,
And turned and tightened his saddle-girth;
But mostly he watched with eager search
The belfry-tower of the Old North Church,
As it rose above the graves on the hill,
Lonely and spectral and somber and still.
And lo! as he looks, on the belfry's height
A glimmer, and then a gleam of light!
He springs to the saddle, the bridle he turns,
But lingers and gazes, till full on his sight
A second lamp in the belfry burns!

A hurry of hoofs in a village street,
A shape in the moonlight, a bulk in the dark,
And beneath, from the pebbles, in passing, a spark
Struck out by a steed flying fearless and fleet:
That was all! And yet, through the gloom and the light,
The fate of a nation was riding that night;
And the spark struck out by that steed, in his flight,
Kindled the land into flame with its heat.

He has left the village and mounted the steep,
And beneath him, tranquil and broad and deep,
Is the Mystic, meeting the ocean tides;
And under the alders that skirt its edge,
Now soft on the sand, now loud on the ledge,
Is heard the tramp of his steed as he rides.

It was twelve by the village clock,
When he crossed the bridge into Medford town.
He heard the crowing of the cock,
And the barking of the farmer's dog,
And felt the damp of the river fog,
That rises after the sun goes down.

It was one by the village clock,
When he galloped into Lexington.
He saw the gilded weathercock
Swim in the moonlight as he passed,
And the meeting-house windows, blank and bare,
Gaze at him with a spectral glare,
As if they already stood aghast
At the bloody work they would look upon.

It was two by the village clock,
When he came to the bridge in Concord town.
He heard the bleating of the flock,
And the twitter of birds among the trees,
And felt the breath of the morning breeze
Blowing over the meadows brown.
And one was safe and asleep in his bed
Who at the bridge would be first to fall,
Who that day would be lying dead,
Pierced by a British musket-ball.

You know the rest. In the books you have read,
How the British regulars fired and fled, --
How the farmers gave them ball for ball,
From behind each fence and farm-yard wall,
Chasing the red-coats down the lane,
Then crossing the fields to emerge again
Under the trees at the turn of the road,
And only pausing to fire and load.

So through the night rode Paul Revere;
And so through the night went his cry of alarm
To every Middlesex village and farm, --
A cry of defiance and not of fear,
A voice in the darkness, a knock at the door,
And a word that shall echo forevermore!
For, borne on the night-wind of the Past,
Through all our history, to the last,
In the hour of darkness and peril and need,
The people will waken and listen to hear
The hurrying hoof-beat of that steed,
And the midnight-message of Paul Revere.

Tuesday, February 16, 2010

The Battle of Torrington: February 16, 1646

“God save the King!” heralded the one,
“For God and Parliament!” quothe the other,
But God wrote both into an English pun,
And wove the twain as one together;
Constitutional Monarchy.

Per Scriptum E. Wesley - Mackinac Center Intern

After the gradual and sometimes aggressive political power struggle between the English Crown and Parliament, politics morphed into war in 1641. The cause of King Charles I now hung in the balance, as his son, Prince Charles of Wales, commanded the very topsy-turvy western Royalist army. Lord General Fairfax led in a hot pursuit of Prince Charles that culminated at the Battle of Torrington on the stormy night of February 16, 1646.

As the year 1645 waned, Prince Charles took refuge in the western recesses of Devonshire into the Royalist county of Cornwall, and settled at Truro after the defeat of Lord Goring (see map below). Lord Goring, being most disappointed with the state of the western army, fled to France, causing Prince Charles to appoint Lord Wentworth as commander of western forces. Wentworth stationed the army at Bovey Tracey and awaited a Parliamentarian assault. Meanwhile the Roundhead New Model Army under Fairfax, swooped into Tiverton and surrounded Tiverton Castle with 250 Royalists inside. Providentially, while bombarding the castle, a shell struck the chain holding the drawbridge. The Royalists promptly surrendered. Lieutenant-General Cromwell then arrived, maximizing the potential of Parliamentarian high command. In January of 1646, Cromwell moved on Wentworth's division at Bovey Tracey, routed the Royalist cavalry, and crippled Wentworth completely. Prince Charles switched command to Lord Hopton (horse) and Sir Richard Grenville (foot), while Fairfax completely encircled Exeter by taking Plymouth, Dartmouth, and Powderham. Grenville resisted Hopton's authority, and was accordingly imprisoned at St. Michael's Mount. On February 10, Hopton arrived at Torrington, threw up earthworks around the town, and barricaded the roads in hopes of drawing the Roundheads away from the siege at Exeter. Now it was Fairfax's turn.
Leaving Sir Hardress Waller in charge of the siege, Fairfax marched 10,000 men northwest to Torrington to face Hopton's 2,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry. Arriving on the east side of the town, Fairfax successfully engaged Hopton's dragoons at Stevenstone Park, while Hopton reinforced the position with both infantry and cavalry to cover the withdraw of the dragoons. In the stinging February rain, the night looked less inviting, and Fairfax resolved to wait until morning to push the assault. However, while making an inspection visit, Cromwell heard a great stir behind the Torrington entrenchments as if the whole Royalist camp were preparing to evacuate. He sent a dragoon patrol of his own to discover the strength of the defenses. Soon the top of the defenses flashed and smoked with the defenders' muskets. Fairfax developed the attack, and decided against waiting for morning. Rain steamed in the night, while for two hours the attackers pushed their way through. The battle became personal, as Cavaliers and Roundheads clashed pike ends and musket butts. When Hopton's Cornish infantry could hold no longer, they fled back into the city. Fairfax's troops followed and were met with Hopton's galloping cavalry counter-attack. However, neither Farifax nor Hopton decided the fate of the day. Providence would give Farifax the victory with a spectacular and equally devastating human accident. While the fighting raged in the Torrington streets, a stray spark landed inside the Torrington church where the Royalists had stored their gunpowder. No less than eighty barrels of gunpowder exploded, blowing the roof off, and claiming many Parliamentarian prisoners and nearby Royalists. A shard of debris nearly struck Fairfax himself. As though they had been struck by lightning, Lord Hopton and his men scattered into the night throughout the Cornwall region.

General Fairfax continued southwest unchallenged, and in March, Prince Charles set sail from Falmouth for the Isles of Scilly with Parliamentarian warships in full pursuit. The Battle of Torrington spelled eventual doom for King Charles I, and led to the end of the First Civil War at the Battle of Stow on the Wold. After the First Civil War in which Charles I was captured, the King was executed, sending shock waves throughout Europe. England was doing something different. Cromwell founded the Commonwealth that ended in confusion, questions of succession of power, and the eventual return of monarchy. Without the English struggle between Parliament and the King, the modern phenomenon of separation of powers could not exist. The idea was tested through war.

Sources:
Image of William Shakespeare- The Wounded Cavalier from Wikipedia
Torrington Battle Map from british-civil-wars.com
http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/military/1646-torrington-stow-wold.htm#torrington
http://www.bbc.co.uk/devon/content/articles/2008/02/12/battle_of_torrington_feature.shtml
http://www.british-civil-wars.co.uk/military/1642-edgehill.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:England-Saint-Michaels-Mount-1900-1.jpg

Tuesday, February 9, 2010

William Henry Harrison and Liberty

"See that the government does not acquire too much power. Keep a check upon your rulers. Do this, and liberty is safe."
~William Henry Harrison

Per Scriptum E. Wesley - Mackinac Center Intern

While growing up in Vincennes, Indiana, I remember touring one of the wonders of the humble city; Grouseland, home to Governor William Henry Harrison while governing Indiana Territory. His residence in Vincennes lasted from 1800-1812, during which time his duties consisted of protecting American settlements by warding off Indians and being watchful of the French. Grouseland, called the "White House of the West," was the first brick home in Indiana Territory, and built to be a fortress in case of emergency. Overlooking a gorgeous walnut grove, Grouseland imitated the Georgian style of Harrison's earlier Virginia plantation. The grandiose impression of the mansion has never quite left me, but I didn't know until recently the impressive vocation of its owner.

William Henry Harrison was born on February 9, 1773 at Berkeley Plantation, in Virginia. His father signed the Declaration of Independence and was a member of Continental Congress. Harrison first studied history and classics at Hampden-Sydney College and then switched to medicine in 1791. That same year, his father died, and with him vanished Harrison's funding for college. He then joined the First Infantry of the Regular Army, and served in the Northwest Territory. In 1794 at the Battle of Fallen Timbers, Harrison held his vital position against an Indian attacks led by Chief Tecumseh, and was commended by General Anthony Wayne. After being promoted to captain, Harrison resigned the Army in 1798. President John Adams gave Harrison a position as territorial secretary of the entire Northwest Territory, but Harrison left in 1779. That same year, he became the first Congressional delegate to represent the Northwest Territory. He couldn't vote in Congressional proceedings, but despite this he became influential for successfully lobbying for a separate territory in Indiana. In 1800, he became governor of the new Indiana Territory, and lived at Grouseland in Vincennes. While governing Indiana, he fought and won the Battle of Tippecanoe in 1811 against Chief Tecumseh's Indian confederation. When the United States declared war on Great Britain in 1812, Harrison left his Indiana home to relive the glory days. In 1813, he was made brigadier general to protect the Northwest frontier. He met Chief Tecumseh, now allied with the British, one last time at the Battle of Thames in 1813, where Tecumseh died. After the War of 1812, Harrison was elected to Congress (1816-19) and the Senate (1825-28), served as Minister to Columbia (1828-1830), lost to Martin Van Buren in the 1836 presidential election, and finally was elected president in 1840. His inaugural address is the longest ever given in U.S. history, and he gave it in contrary weather with no overcoat. Unfortunately, he died of pneumonia one month later on April 4, 1841.

Harrison's nearly two-hour long inaugural speech was certainly the masterpiece of his life, and embodies all the love for liberty so prevalent in that time of the new republic. He begins by summarizing the fears of republicans, that the Federal Government was vested with too much power. Indeed, his entire speech deals with the subject of preserving liberty in the republic given the threat (yes, threat) of the Federal Government. He moves from individual rights, to the preservation of the letter and spirit of the Constitutional, to presidential terms, right uses of executive veto, states' rights, executive power over the treasury (Secretary of the Treasury), the freedom of the press, rights of citizens in the District of Columbia, interstate relations, liberty in society, foreign relations, political parties and factions, and virtue in society. Regarding the preservation of liberty in society, Harrison states:
Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be between the constituted authorities of the citizens of our country in relation to the lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our institutions if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, no distribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects, and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the liberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation. The danger to all well-established free governments arises from the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence or from the influence of designing men diverting their attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of the Roman people and the senate under the pretense of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter; Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England, and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary, no instance on record of an extensive and well- established republic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy, and the antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of faction--a spirit which assumes the character and in times of great excitement imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeks to, and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs, whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a free people seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executive power introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy.
This excerpt is truly a work of art as well as political science. Liberty, since it is vested in the hearts and minds of the people, will only exist in proportion to the public understanding of it. As long as liberty and law are cherished by a people, they will protect it. Liberty cannot be synthetically replicated or even sustained by legal institutions if it is not valued by the people, and the result is most dreadful. Harrison does not limit liberty to freedom of action, but introduces it with "forbearance" and "moderation." He also speaks of the "old trick." When the people lose their love for well balanced liberty, a usurper will take the old guise of liberty and cloak his power in it (e.g. Caesar, Cromwell, and Bolivar). In such times, if cooler minds can prevail over factions, true and genuine liberty can be reestablished. If not, we shall have a false sense of liberty, an intolerant and harsh counterfeit robed in the language of "democracy." Harrison concludes by not only commending American liberty to the people, but to God as the sustained and first giver of liberty through providence:
I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time...
Unfortunately, Harrison was never given the chance to live out these principles as President. We are only left with the gravity of his last words. Before passing on, President Harrison's last words were, "I wish you to understand the true principles of the government. I wish them carried out. I ask nothing more." Harrison wasn't just a man of words, he demanded action and permanent devotion to the principles of the American Founding.

Sources:
Image of William H. Harrison from Wikipedia
http://www.grouselandfoundation.org/Grouseland/Home.html
http://law.jrank.org/pages/7285/Harrison-William-Henry.html
http://www.american-presidents.com/william-henry-harrison
http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/harrison.asp

Tuesday, February 2, 2010

Her Majesty Victoria: A Queen of Character

Per Scriptum E. Wesley - Mackinac Center Intern

Perhaps there is no finer example of the pomp of constitutional monarchy than Queen Victoria, but more than pomp, Queen Victoria's sense of duty, sympathy, and genuineness exemplified the heart of constitutional monarchy. At the time of her funeral on February 2, 1901, the entire Western world mimicked the order and beauty of the English empire, as the very name of the era implies. Although some colonial wars voiced the desire of independence among inhabitants who had long endured Europe's lust for imperial gain, English imperialism of the 19th century was softer and more tame than ever before. England didn't much interfere with the petty struggles in Europe, and as such ushered in an age of peace that had been unprecedented in English history. The Empire was dedicated to developing virtue in society, and this spirit was what rooted Victorian beauty in social stability. Victoria's immense character defined a culture and preserved the most peaceful of empires that the world had yet seen.


When she ascended the throne in 1837 at the age of 18, Victoria took her place as the embodiment of the kingdom under constitutional monarchy. Unlike the American experience, the British tradition of liberty has always centered on a king or queen. Liberty, whether inherently due to all citizens or bestowed as a special gift or exemption, comes down from God, through the blessing of the king, and finally disseminated throughout the kingdom. Far from being irrelevant in government, the monarch of England still held strong presuppositional weight to the actions of the government. Parliament existed on the foundation of English monarchy, not at the expense of it. As William Lecky wrote in his Historical and Political Essays: Queen Victoria as a Moral Force:

In India and the Colonies this is still more the case. It is not the British Parliament or the British Cabinet that there forms the centre of unity or excites genuine attachment. The Crown is the main link binding the different States to one another, and the pervading sentiment of a common loyalty unites them in one great and living whole.
The unity of the English empire is due to its unique sense of liberty. The farther one goes from England the greater the monarch's influence as the basis for commonality. Victoria exemplified this ideal with her warm yet starchy disposition that informed her every move. Her good sense, work ethic, tact, and sense of duty brought her success. Lecky claimed, "It was these qualities, combined with her unrivalled experience of affairs, and strengthened by long and constant intercourse with the foremost English statesmen of two generations, that made her what she undoubtedly was—a perfect model of a constitutional Sovereign." "Perfect" would be too strong a term, but "accomplished" would be an understatement.

With English political rank came the necessity to learn compromise without neglect of conviction. In this respect, Victoria often consented to the reforms of the Whigs and prime ministers of the time (like Prime Minister Gladstone) despite the fact that she often disagreed with them. The Empire flourished under the liberal direction. She even allowed Gladstone to provide for the disestablishment of the Irish Church from that of England. Yet, she was by no means a puppet ruler. She parted ways with Lord Palmerston over the Italian unity and was opposed to the overthrow of so many conservative rulers in the aftermath of the 1848 Continental revolutions. This love for the old courts held in balance with her allowance for the liberal reforms was the fulfillment of her ideal as an English constitutional monarch, and the key to understanding not only the political aspects of the Victorian Era but also the cultural development. Victorianism was the recasting of conservative ethic in the newer mold of classical liberalism.

The Queen brought peace to her empire, both internally and externally, with her constant attention to the sufferings of others and her sympathetic heart. The whole world loved her. Her reputation for being a great lover of children gave Victorian middle class life an example of an orderly yet loving home. She amended the English dispatch to America after the Trent Affair so as to defuse controversy by softening the language. She was always encouraging, and charmed even her strongest enemies such as Louis Napoleon and Bismarck. Lecky wrote, "She was never more in her place than in visiting some poor tenant on the morrow of a great bereavement, or uttering words of comfort by the sick bed of some humble dependant." Her sympathies transversed the globe as evidenced by her letter to Mary Lincoln after President Lincoln's death. Politics was not the driving motive of her service (after all, she didn't need votes to be queen); they were the out-flowing of her position as an English monarch and as a "Victorian" lady of virtue. After the death of Victoria's own husband Prince Albert in 1861, Victoria slipped into seclusion and was veiled from the public for over a decade. During this time she lost popularity. Later in life she returned to her people, and her golden and diamond jubilees firmly put her in the public eye. Against the advise of the Duke of Wellington, the now aged Victoria decided to visit politically unstable Ireland. She withheld nothing from the Irish people, and allowed fifty thousand children to meet her at one time in Phoenix Park. If the British Empire could achieve peace in Ireland, it would indeed be a peaceful empire.

An era ended with Victoria's death. Although Edward VII inherited the peaceful Empire, its glories would die with the advent of two world wars. Quoting Psalm 51, Lecky described Queen Victoria, "'Truth in the inmost parts' was indeed a prominent characteristic of the Queen, and she wrote nothing which was not in accordance with her true convictions." If any virtue embodied the Victorian Era, it was truth. The stability of the 19th century golden age of England stood as an anchor against the storms of the next century.

Sources:
Image of Victoria in her Coronation from Wikipedia
http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=2071&chapter=156322&layout=html&Itemid=27
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/victoria_queen.shtml
http://www.biographyonline.net/royalty/queen-victoria.html
http://www.thamesweb.co.uk/windsor/windsorhistory/royalfunerals/qvicfuneral01.html